How Are Police Reforms Carried Out?

A police reform process requires coordination among multiple parties or should we say, stakeholders. The federal government together with relevant state or provincial government as well as local authorities should initiate and actively support the efforts to reform and to convince other stakeholders as well to provide their support for such reforms: oversight bodies, management authorities, civil societies and the general public may all be consulted or involved directly in this process.

Police reform typically involves a period of strategic analysis or assessment, design, planning, implementation and evaluation.

Strategic analysis or assessment is about assessing the need for and reform priorities that requires a thorough analysis of the police organisation, its personnel and relationships with other institutions, civil societies and the public in general. Consultations with the stakeholders from all interests groups in the society and across all ranks within the police force will help to:

  1. identify underlying challenges within the police force,
  2. conducting an audit on its operational, standards and practices,
  3. determine how different actors perceive existing challenges,
  4. propose and establish need for reforms,
  5. put the reforms to test its willingness or acceptance,
  6. rallying support and resources.

This information serves as a foundation crucial for evaluating the reform process at the later stage.

Design and planning will be fed by the initial analysis or assessment. The detailed plans for reform will come up with a well-defined goals, clear roles and responsibilities and a timeframe for ahieving these reforms. Democratic governance goals, which focuse on greater accountability with effective control and oversight mechanism must be balanced with the operational objectives of the police force to ensure the feasibility of reform and public support. Such will definitely be influenced by several factors that includes:

  1. support from other areas of the secority sector,
  2. public attitudes and relationships with the police,
  3. the existing organisational and command structures,
  4. resources available for reform.

This stage also needs to establish monitoring, review and evaluation mechanisms to ensure the reforms are implemented successfully.

The implementation of a reform plan requires a sufficient political will, financial and human resources as well as timeframe. Asystematic change management approach and effective internal-external communication strategies provide clarity of the change process and helps generate support from within and outside the police force.

Reform will only achieve its objectives if it makes sense to all police personnel and those who interact with the police force. Establishing a performance management and reward system can cement change in police values and practices. Committed leadership from the chain of command is essential.

If theres is a change in leadership, political suport for reform should be maintained to ensure proper and smoother implementation of the reform plan.

Evaluation is about gathering data or information throughout the process and evaluating results against clear and previously established criteria allows success to be measured and identifies areas where implementation efforts needed to be improved and adapted. Progress evaluation demonstrates the benefits of reform to poliitical leaders and the population and the process helps to build support for the police and for future improvements.

Advocating and implementing reform in the police force is not only a police business, but it is also a public interests as a whole because public security and safety involves the entire segment of the community at-large. The police force is a civilian-based institution, therefore it needs reform and change regularly to be able to adapt into the society’s needs and demands.

Police Reform

What is Police Reform?

In a context of security sector reform, police reform aims to transform the values, cultures, policies and practices of the police institution so that the police can discharge their duties with respect for democratic values, human rights and in accordance to the rule of law.

Such reform aims to achieve a professional system of democratic policing that:

  1. takes a people-oriented approach to security and public safety,
  2. protects human rights in accordance with the nation’s law as well as international convention,
  3. responsive to different security needs of all people, regardless of gender, age, ethnics, class or any other characteristics ot associations,
  4. assisting all people, particularly members of the community in need of immediate help,
  5. upholds high levels of accountability in its conduct,
  6. establish an effective system of democratic control and oversight on the police force,
  7. builds a public security service that is efficient and effective in the interest of our people and the nation.

Police reform also aims to improve how the police interact with other parts of the law and order sectors such as the judiciary system, prisons (correctional) system, the cabinet, legislature or other independent authorities with management or oversight responsibilities.

Why Police Reform is necessary?

The political, legal and social context in which the police operate changes frequently. The public security service need to adapt to meet the evolving public serucity and safety needs as well as the expectations of the people they serve.

Police reform, in this case, may become necessary for many reasons that depend on the local, state, federal or international context. For example:

  1. the process of responding to changing public security requirements, such as the evolving patterns of crimes or emerging new threats to our public safety,
  2. new or updated legal frameworks,
  3. changes in political direction or public policies through general elections,
  4. exposure of police misconduct, corruption or increase of custodial death,
  5. peacebuilding, post-conflict or transitional judiciary systems,
  6. conflict resolution, prevention and mediation,
  7. social transformation and evolving social expectations, such as greater demand for justice, equality, human rights, democracy and in particular Community 4.0,
  8. the emerging new political system through democratization.

Police reform commonly aims to:

  • achieve equal treatment and opportunities for all in access to public security and justice with police and judiciary system protecting and promoting respect for democracy, human rights and rule of law,
  • improve public awareness in policing via provisions of balanced and relevant information on police funding, expenditure, activities and results as well as the legitimate roles and responsibilities of the police,
  • address corruption, misconduct and promote integrity through training, education, effective complaint handling and removal of incompetent or corrupt officers and officials,
  • modernise and improve outdated procedures and come up with new legal frameworks, provisions codes of conduct and practices, training and standard operation procedures,
  • achieve cooperation among other enforcement agencies, including multilevel frameworks as well as with other security apparatus like, the armed forces, civil defence department, border security and the intelligence community,
  • improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the police institution to enhance performance of its legal duties, ensuring accountability of public resources utilisation.

Is there a standard framework for police reform?

Actually, there is no standard framework nor any foundations as a guide towards police reform. However, there are two major goals to all police reform: (a) improving police capacity and effectiveness, and (b) to improve the integrity and accountability of the police.

This means, the police reform at times focuses on internal elements of the police institution and at other times on management, operations, control and oversight of the police force.

Internal police reform can involve changes to any part of the police institution and its organisational structures, for instance:

  • leadership structures, chains of command and ranking composition of the police,
  • policies on its human resources management such as, recruitment, traning, promotions, transfers, appointments, retirements, benefits, rewards and disciplinary system,
  • regulations, systems for control and supervision, codes of conduct and standard operation procedures in both management and field services,
  • development and operationalisation of special competences, tactical and specialised units,
  • provisions to protect the rights and safety of the members of the police force,
  • internal control, supervision, investigation and disciplinary procedures,
  • resourcing, budgeting, equipment, logistics and training,
  • policies and strategies for public outreach and community engagement.

Police reforms that focus outside the police institution normally affect police strategies, roles, functions, management, supervision and control or even the legal framework as well as the modus operandi within which the police operate. For instance, such reforms might involve:

  1. updating legal frameworks to better reflect its standards by adopting some international conventions or clarifying roles and mandates for law enforcements,
  2. revision of budgeting procedures, where the legislature and finance ministry can change the way the police budget is allocated, holding the police to accountability in a sense of efficient use of public funds,
  3. reorganising the police system: the government can change the territorial or jurisdictional responsibilities of the police, amend or enhance its strategies, reform relevant departments within the police force or implement new security or public safety policies that affect police mandates and its operational requirements,
  4. enhancing external oversight: mandates for a parliamentary responsible Independent Police Complaints & Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) with responsbilities for police oversight should be created to enhance professionalism and accountability within the police force. Yes, we are all aware that, internally, the police itself already has an Integrity & Standards Compliance Department or better known as JIPS, but for the purpose of enhancing public confidence and awareness of the police force, the IPCMC must be established to involve all stakeholders in improving state and human security by developing public safety and security provisions, management and oversight more effective and accountable within a framework of democratic police-people approach, ensuring the rule of law and human rights are adhered to.

The police force has not change much ever since its inception in the year 1807 and institutionalisation via Police Act 1967 (Akta Polis 1967) after our nation gained its independence in 1957, therefore the term “Democratic Policing” is still unknown to the majority in the police force until today. Democratic Policing is actually a set of values that describes the public expectations of the police force in a democratic environment where people-oriented policing approaches and involvement of all stakeholders are essential in ensuring a total public security and safety within the community and our nation as a whole.

Undi18, adakah rakyat sekali lagi dikhianati?

Undi kita telah dikhianati oleh Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) apabila parti tersebut memberontak terhadap kepimpinan gabungan yang dianggotainya, Pakatan Harapan (PH) dan meninggalkan gabungan tersebut di mana sejurus selepas pemberontakan mereka, ianya telah mengakibatkan kejatuhan kerajaan yang diterajui oleh PH pada penghujung Februari 2020 yang lalu.

PPBM seterusnya membentuk satu gabungan politiknya yang baru bernama Perikatan Nasional (PN) dan mengajak Barisan Nasional (BN) serta Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) untuk bersamanya membentuk sebuah kerajaan pemberontak bagi mengambil-alih tampuk pemerintahan daripada PH pada awal Mac 2020.

Kerajaan pemberontak pimpinan PN hasil kerjasama BN dan GPS yang dipimpin oleh PPBM telah menarik balik beberapa siri pembaharuan yang telah dan sedang diusahakan oleh kerajaan sebelum ini. Undi kita sekali lagi dikhianati apabila kerajaan pemberontak pimpinan PN ini memansuhkan rang undang-undang pindaan perlembagaan yang menghadkan tempoh jawatan perdana menteri kepada hanya dua penggal, sejurus itu membenarkan seseorang pemimpin parti menjawat jawatan perdana menteri mengikut keselesaannya tanpa had.

Tidak lama kemudian, negara kita sekali lagi dikejutkan dengan satu lagi pengkhianatan apabila kerajaan pemberontak pimpinan PN turut memansuhkan rang undang-undang pembentukan Suruhanjaya Bebas Aduan dan Salahlaku Polis (IPCMC) tanpa sebarang alasan yang munasabah. Tujuan pembentukan IPCMC yang dirancang sebelum ini adalah untuk membentuk suatu mekanisme semak imbang terhadap Polis Di Raja Malaysia (PDRM) yang turut meliputi aspek penambahbaikan, pemodenan organisasi dan pembaharuan menyeluruh terhadap pasukan keselamatan tersebut.

Minggu lepas pula, kita dikejutkan sekali lagi dengan satu siri pengkhianatan apabila kerajaan pemberontak pimpnan PN menunda perlaksanaan Undi18 kepada satu tarikh yang belum dapat ditentukan lagi untuk dilaksanakan hanya dalam tahun 2022-2023. Alasan yang diberikan oleh PN adalah kerana Suruhanjaya Pilihanraya (SPR) tidak meempunyai cukup masa untuk merealisasikan perlaksanaan tersebut disebabkan oleh perintah darurat dan perintah kawalan pergerakan (PKP) yang sedang berkuatkuasa disebabkan oleh penularan wabak covid-19 yang turut menyebabkan perlaksanaan pendaftaran pengundi baru secara automatik juga tidak dapat dilaksanakan.

Persoalannya adalah, kenapa Undi18 hanya dapat dilaksanakan apabila pendaftaran pengundi baru secara automatik dapat dijalankan? Kenapa Undi18 tidak boleh dilaksanakan terlebih dahulu, sementara pendaftaran pengundi baru secara automatik boleh dilaksanakan kemudian? Kenapa ianya wajib dan perlu dilaksanakan serentak?

Kami berpendapat, Undi18 tidak dapat dilaksanakan disebabkan oleh PKP berikutan penularan wabak covid-19 itu hanya alasan remeh semata-mata kerana yang kita dapat perhatikan selama ini adalah PN tidak dapat menerima hakikat kebangkitan suara anak-anak muda yang telah menyedari bertapa pentingnya politik dalam hidup mereka dan kesedaran golongan muda yang semakin rancak dalam keinginan mengetahui dengan lebih mendalam hal-hal berkaitan perlembagaan, pemerintahan, pembuatan dasar serta perkara-perkara yang berkenaan dengan hak asasi kemanusiaan, kebebasan bersuara dan sebagainya.

Apabila penangguhan Undi18 itu mula mendapat kecaman umum, kerajaan pemberontak pimpinan PN mula berdolak-dalik dan menyalahkan SPR pula, kononnya mereka (PN) tidak mempengaruhi keputusan tersebut. PPBM mendakwa “tidak dapat menerimanya” tetapi “tetap akur” dengan keputusan SPR. Sementara itu PAS pula mendakwa perlaksanaan Undi18 belum lagi sesuai di masa kini kerana kematangan golongan muda dalam politik belum lagi mencapai tahap yang menyakinkan.

Seterusnya, kerajaan pemberontak pimpinan PN juga telah mengerahkan pihak berkuasa untuk mengambil tindakan susulan terhadap golongan muda dan beberapa pemimpin muda yang telah mengadakan bantahan terbuka baru-baru ini terhadap keputusan PN untuk menangguhkan perlaksanaan Undi18.

Hampir kesemua negara di Asia Tenggara telahpun meminda had umur mengundi rakyat mereka bagi membolehkan mereka mengundi dalam pilihanraya apabila mereka telah mencapai umur 18 tahun kelak. Ini bermakna kerajaan pemberontak pimpinan PN masih memandang rendah akan kematangan muda-mudi negara kita ini ataupun PN sebenarnya amat takut dengan kebangkitan dan kesedaran golongan muda yang mula menyerlah dalam hal-ehwal politik negara. PN takut dengan kebangkitan dan kesedaran golongan muda akan menyebabkan pemerintahan mereka tidak akan bertahan lebih lama seperti yang diharapkan dan sebab itulah PN mengambil kesempatan daripada wabak covid-19 ini uuntuk menangguhkan terus perlaksanaan Undi18 tersebut agar ianya hanya direalisasikan dalam setahun dua lagi.

Ketakutan PN juga jelas terbukti apabila kerajaan pemberontak mengarahkan Jabatan Pendaftaran Pertubuhan (ROS) agar menolak terus permohonan pendaftaran Ikatan Demokratik Perpaduan Malaysia (Malaysian United Democratic Alliance-MUDA) tanpa mengemukakan sebarang alasan bagi penolakan tersebut walaupun setelah jawatankuasa penaja MUDA berjaya memenuhi semua permintaan ROS bagi membolehkan permohonannya memperoleh kelulusan.

Persoalan yang seterusnya adalah, rakyat kita sudah berkali-kali dikhianati, satu demi satu kami menyaksikan pengkhianatan tersebut di depan mata. Adakah PN yang dipimpin oleh para pemimpin yang khianat, akan juga bakal mengkhianati negara di suatu hari kelak? Adakah di bawah PN ini, negara kita akan jatuh ke tangan kuasa-kuasa asing di masa yang terdekat?

Ini adalah kerana PN kini penuh dengan pengkhianatan, tidak habis-habis dengan perbuatan khianat sehinggalah pada hari ini.

Menjelang 214 tahun penubuhannya, PDRM masih mengalami defisit kepercayaan

Menjelang 214 tahun penubuhannya, Polis Di Raja Malaysia (PDRM) dilihat masih menghadapi defisit kepercayaan sehingga pada hari ini. Apakah sebenarnya telah dan sedang berlaku? Ini bukannya suatu usaha untuk memberikan suatu gambaran yang negatif terhadap PDRM, tetapi pendapat kami serta pelbagai maklum balas yang diperolehi daripada masyarakat secara umumnya.

Tujuan utama kewujudan PDRM hingga pada hari ini masihlah sama, yakni membanteras dan mencegah jenayah, memelihara keselamatan dan ketenteraman awam serta memastikan keharmonian di kalangan masyarakat terperlihara dengan sewajarnya.

Namun PDRM juga berdepan dengan pelbagai cabaran “politik dalaman” yang padat, pada masa yang sama juga gejala-gejala seperti penyalahgunaan kuasa, amalan rasuah dan pengurusan yang kurang memuaskan terus menghantui pasukan keselamatan tersebut.

Masyarakat antarabangsa pada hari ini telah mengorak langkah ke arah modenisasi dengan pembangunan sains dan teknologi dan pasukan-pasukan keselamatan di banyak negara juga tidak terkecuali daripada usaha pembangunan, dan pemodenan teknologi tersebut bagi meningkatkan keberkesanan mereka dalam memerangi pelbagai bentuk jenayah serta memastikan agar keselamatan dan keamanan negara masing-masing terpelihara.

Contoh pembangunan dan kemajuan pesat pasukan-pasukan keselamatan di beberapa buah negara khusus wajar dicontohi dan diambil sebagai panduan bagi merealisasikan usaha yang sama di negara kita ini. Pemodenan PDRM di negara ini hendaklah meliputi pelbagai aspek, daripada pembabitan seseorang rekrut pada hari pertama, perjalanan latihan asas dan lanjutan sehinggalah tamatnya pengkursusan tersebut dengan penyerapan penuh serta tanggungjawab dan penugasan harian setiap anggota yang terlibat.

Apa yang kami dapat lihat sehingga pada hari ini adalah proses pembaharuan dalam PDRM sering terbantut kerana ramai pegawai dan anggota yang masih tidak dapat menerima hakikat di mana bantuan dan nasihat daripada pihak awam perlu diterapkan dalam proses pembaharuan tersebut.

Yang jelas adalah apabila Suruhanjaya Bebas Aduan dan Salahlaku Polis (Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission-IPCMC) dicadangkan pembentukannya bagi membantu PDRM memerangi gejala-gejala yang tidak sihat dalam pasukan keselamatan tersebut serta membantu memulihkan imej dan melaksanakan pembaharuan, ramai di kalangan pegawai-pegawai dan anggota-anggota polis yang membantah langkah-langkah tersebut.

Malah yang lebih memburukkan lagi keadaan tersebut adalah apabila ada kalangan pemimpin-pemimpin utama parti-parti politik konservatif yang berasaskan kaum dan agama di negara ini cuba memberikan gambaran yang salah dan tidak tepat mengenai proses pembaharuan dan pembentukan IPCMC sehinggakan dua kesatuan sekerja polis yang paling berpengaruh, yakni Persatuan Pegawai Kanan Polis Di Raja Malaysia (PPKP) dan Persatuan Pegawai Rendah Polis Di Raja Malaysia (PPRP) secara terbuka enggan menerima usaha pembaharuan dan IPCMC kerana tidak dapat menerima “campurtangan” daripada pihak luar dan bukan dari kalangan pasukan keselamatan, sebaliknya mendakwa bahawa PDRM mampu menyelesaikan masalah dan cabaran dalamannya secara tersendiri tanpa sebarang bantuan daripada “pihak luar”.

Berikutan salah faham PPKP dan PPRP serta perbuatan beberapa parti-parti politik konservatif yang berasaskan kaum dan agama serta pertubuhan-pertubuhan radikal berhaluan kanan yang terus mencemarkan langkah-langkah murni tersebut, usaha pembaharuan dalam PDRM dan pembentukan IPCMC sekali tergendala buat kali kedua apabila kementerian dalam negeri (KDN) mengambil keputusan untuk memansuhkan Rang Undang-Undang (RUU) IPCMC 2020, sebaliknya digantikan pula dengan satu RUU IPCC (Suruhanjaya Bebas Aduan Polis) 2021 yang mana peranan dan fungsinya dikurangkan kepada hanya bertindak sebagai sebuah badan penasihat dan pemerhati yang tidak mempunyai sebarang kuasa tatatertib dan tindakan susulan. Malah, yang lebih tidak menyenangkan adalah IPCC itu akan diletakkan di bawah seliaan menteri dalam negeri itu sendiri di mana semua lantikan dan keputusan akhir akan dibuat oleh menteri tersebut.

Cabaran PDRM tidak selesai di situ sahaja, apabila terbongkar satu lagi elemen negatif dalam PDRM, apabila ketua polis negara Tan Sri Hamid Bador mengakui bahawa wujudnya satu kartel dalam pasukan keselamatan tersebut yang mempunyai kepentingan tertentu dan salah satu daripada usaha kartel tersebut adalah untuk memastikan ketua polis negara yang ada sekarang digantikan dengan “pegawai kanan daripada kalangan kartel” tersebut agar matlamat dan kepentingan mereka dapat dicapai.

Memang tidak dapat dinafikan kartel tersebut wujud kerana politik dalaman PDRM amat padat, mungkin lebih padat daripada jangkaan kami sebenarnya kerana sebaik sahaja ketua polis negara mengakui wujudnya kartel tersebut, beberapa orang bekas ketua polis negara mula tampil memberikan pengakuan yang tidak begitu jelas bahawa memang wujudnya pelbagai masalah dalaman sewaktu era kepimpinan mereka yang lalu dalam PDRM.

Malah pengarah Jabatan Integriti dan Pematuhan Standard (JIPS) PDRM Datuk Zamri Yahya turut mengakui wujudnya sekumpulan pegawai-pegawai kanan polis yang hidup dengan begitu mewah kerana giat menerima rasuah sebagai balasan tidak membanteras atau bertindak terhadap “beberapa kumpulan jenayah” yang sedang menguasai kawasan-kawasan yang tertentu.

Hakikatnya adalah PDRM sememangnya mempunyai masalah dalamannya dan cabaran yang perlu ditempuhi dengan bantuan nasihat dan tenaga pakar dari luar bagi menambahbaik pasukan keselamatan tersebut. Seperti juga Jabatan Imigresen Malaysia dan Jabatan Pengangkutan Jalan, kedua-dua agensi penguatkuasaan ini juga menghadapi pelbagai masalah dalaman dan amalan rasuah turut terkesan daripadanya.

Kenapa masalah tersebut terjadi? Ini adalah kerana ketiadaan sebarang pemantuan dan usaha semak imbang dalam memastikan ketelusan dan keberkesanan agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan tersebut yang menyebabkan elemen-elemen negatif dan gejala rasuah semakin serius dan sukar ditangani kerana pelbagai “tindakan politik dalaman” yang menghalang sebarang usaha untuk menambahbaikkan keadaan.

Ketiadaan pemantuan dan usaha pembaharuan serta kelembapan kerajaan pusat dalam menangani masalah tersebut menyebabkan pertubuhan-pertubuhan sivil dan hak asasi kemanusiaan (NGO) mula mengambil alih peranan untuk berkempen memberikan penekanan dan menyeru agar pemantauan yang lebih berkesan dilaksanakan supaya fungsi-fungsi agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan tersebut dapat menjadi lebih telus dan cekap dalam perjalanan penugasan mereka.

Dalam usaha menyeru agar pembaharuan dilaksanakan dalam PDRM dan agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan yang lain, kami juga dapat melihat dengan jelas ada di kalangan pemimpin-pemimpin utama parti-parti politik konservatif yang berasaskan kaum dan agama serta pertubuhan-pertubuhan radikal berhaluan kanan cuba menabur fitnah dan tohmahan kononnya “ada usaha untuk membubarkan PDRM”; “menghina pasukan polis”; “menghapuskan PDRM”; “menghina pegawai polis”; “menghina Islam” dan pelbagai tohmahan lagi, sambil berusaha mempengaruhi para pegawai-pegawai tinggi agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan tersebut agar menyokong mereka dengan membantah dan tidak membenarkan sebarang usaha murni untuk memperkenalkan apajua bentuk pembaharuan di dalam agensi-agensi di bawah kelolaan mereka.

Keselamatan awam dan kepolisan bukan sekadar terletak di atas bahu PDRM dan agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan yang lain. Ianya juga melibatkan kepentingan umum dan kami sebagai rakyat Malaysia juga berhak untuk memberikan sedikit sebanyak maklum balas, cadangan dan pendapat bagaimana pembaharuan dalam agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan tersebut dapat dilaksanakan demi kebaikan semua pihak dan khususnya kepada hal-hal berkaitan dengan keselamatan negara.

Sekiranya hendak mengatakan kita ini “menghina”, “memansuhkan”, “cuba menghapuskan” dan tidak menghargai sumbangan agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan tersebut dan cuba “campurtangan” dalam usaha menambahbaik keadaan semasa agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan tersebut, itu suatu dakwaan yang salah dan berbentuk fitnah yang bertujuan untuk mengancam dan menghapuskan kepercayaan orang ramai terhadap para pegawai dan anggota agensi-agensi penguatkuasaan.

Hakikatnya adalah, sekiranya lebih banyak halangan dilakukan terhadap usaha pembaharuan dan penambahbaikan tersebut, maka lebih tinggilah defisit kepercayaan terhadap agensi-agensi yang berkenaan. Defisit-defisit inlah yang akan dengan sendirinya mengakhiri kewujudan dan penghormatan terhadap agensi-agensi tersebut.

Para pemimpin-pemimpin utama parti-parti politik konservatif yang berasaskan kaum dan agama serta pertubuhan-pertubuhan radikal berhaluan kanan hendaklah bertanggungjawab penuh terhadap defisit-defisit kepercayaan tersebut.

Let the IGP pursue the cartel in PDRM by himself. The home minister should not interfere

Few days ago, the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Tan Sri Hamid Bador has alleged that there is a cartel of senior police officials within its ranks which aim to topple him as the country’s IGP and have him replaced with another official who is will answer to the cartel’s needs and demands.

Then the next day, the home minister, Datuk Hamzah Zainuddin responded that the IGP should not expose such to the public but the IGP should instead meet the minister personally and report the matter to the Police Service Commission (SPP).

The home minister should mind his own business as he is a mere political official overseeing the entire home ministry, not the specific operations of a department under the jurisdiction of the ministry. Hamzah should not interfere in this matter and should let the IGP resolve the matter on his own based on his years of experience and professionalism.

Handling over the matter to the home minister to deal with, would mean he will tend to politicise the matter or the minister will take sides on matters which may politically benefits him. Many will ask why we are saying such even if the police force (PDRM) is under the jurisdiction of the home ministry, therefore its minister has the “power” to take on the issue?

First, the Tan Sri Hamid was appointed by the then prime minister Mahathir Mohamad after the later assume the premiership in 2018. Hamid’s contract is due to expire this May 2021 after completing his two-year contract. What is most certain is Hamid’s contract will not be renewed based on the fact that he was appointed by then then government which was toppled on last February 2021 following the Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) and 11 other Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) MPs’ rebellion against their own Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition government then.

The home minister is also the PPBM secretary-general, while the current head of the rebel government, Muhyiddin Yasin is also the PPBM president, therefore any Mahathir-appointed men still on the government payroll today will be taken off once their contract ends. Just look at all the chairmen, CEOs, COOs and presidents of the statutory bodies and GLCs nationwide, all were systematically chopped off and replaced with political leaders who are neither competent nor experience in the fields they were being assigned.

In the case of Hamid’s tenure, if he choose to reveal the list of the PDRM cartels to Hamzah as “advised” by the later, the IGP will certainly be victimised given the fact that his contract will be ending come May 2021, therefore the home minister will take this opportunity to discredit him and may as well use this reason to shorten his contract or even have Hamid’s tenure terminated with immediate effect reasoning that he has been “negligence” in his position as IGP. The home minister is definitely wanting to push all the unpleasant ones to a scapegoat, when he stretches his hand on.

So, the IGP has made the right choice by not revealing the list of the PDRM cartels to the minister, instead assured the minister that he is capable of handling these cartels on his own, professionally, based on a policeman’s experience. Let it be, and the minister should stop his misadventure by interfering into the IGP’s way of handling his professional matters.

The home minister should also be reminded that he should instead look into the “much dirtier” and “scandal ridden” immigration department which is current experiencing strings of mismanagement, corruption and power abuse that could undermine the nation’s security because as of today, there are still millions of illegal immigrants in our nation which are still unchecked nor undetected.

We applaud the IGP’s move not to reveal the PDRM cartels to the home minister and urge him to stand where he is. PDRM has the Integrity & Standards Compliance Department (JIPS), make use of the JIPS effectively to flush out these rogue police officers from the force before you leave at the end of May 2021.

IGP Hamid, remember, your legacy is important to ensure your good name once you leave. Do not let the home minister discredit you politically.

Adakah PN ingin memansuhkan Parlimen dan DUN dalam masa yang terdekat dan beralih ke sistem satu-parti?

Berikutan pengisytiharan darurat dan penggantungan parlimen serta dewan-dewan undangan negeri, persoalan berikutnya adalah, adakah PN akan terus berbuat demikian, memansuhkan sistem demokrasi berparlimen dan mengorak langkah ke arah pemerintahan sati-parti dalam negara ini?

Pasar malam dibenarkan untuk beroperasi sepenuhnya, sekolah juga dibenarkan pembukaan pada seesi persekolahan yang baru, tidak lama lagi kolej, kolej universiti dan universiti akan juga dibenarkan beroperasi dengan sepenuhnya.

Sebelum ini, majlis keramaian di kementerian-kementerian, majlis meraikan menteri-menteri baik secara peribadi mahupun secara rasmi, semuanya telah dibenarkan sepenuhnya, seperti biasa, katanya “SOP berkenaan hendaklah dipatuhi dengan sewajarnya” bagi mengelak penularan semula wabak covid-19 itu. Tetapi apabila terdapat video-video yang tular di media sosial berkenaan dengan beberapa majlis keramaian baru-baru ini, didapati agak ramai juga daripada kalangan Maha VIP, VVIP, SVIP dan VIP yang didapati gagal mematuhi SOP yang ditetapkan.

Dan apabila aduan dan ketidakpuashati didengari, maka golongan-golongan ini pula segera memberikan pelbagai jenis dan bentuk alasan kononnya mereka tidak melanggar sebarang SOP sewaktu majlis keramaian tersebut dihadiri mereka. Setelah itu, lakonan adegan seterusnya dengan keterangan diambil pihak berkuasa, yang ini disoal siasat, yang itu disoal siasat, buka kertas siasatan, buka fail siasatan dan selepas itu, kami pun “sudah lupa atau tak berapa ingat lagi” sama ada pihak berkuasa sudah mengambil tindakan, mengeluarkan kompaun ataupun tidak. Yang kami dengar, sekadar “tiada berita lagi”, atau “masih dalam siasatan lagi”, yang lain mengatakan “fail sudah dihantar ke pejabat peguam negara”, manakala yang lebih teruk lagi adalah, untuk menyenangkan kerja, “No Further Action”, yang buka fail ini, buka fail itu semua cuma formaliti sahaja apabila ada pihak yang mengadu soal dua darjat dan mengeluarkan komentar tidak puashati.

Parlimen dan Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) bagaimana pula? Masih tidak boleh bersidang kerana penularan wabak covid-19 masih belum dapat dikawal dengan sepenuhnya lagi. Tambah pula, ramai di kalangan ahli-ahli parlimen dan dewan-dewan undangan negeri sudah pun berusia lebih daripada 50 tahun, oleh kerana itulah golongan wakil-wakil rakyat ini merupakan golongan yang berisiko tinggi, kononnya.

Bila minta sidang parlimen dan DUN diadakan melalui talian (online) seperti yang telah dilakukan oleh beberapa buah negara sebelum ini, pengurusan parlimen dan jabatan perdana menteri pula memberikan pelbagai alasan, mengatakan Malaysia masih belum bersedia untuk mengadakan sidang-sidang parlimen dan DUN di atas talian kerana “kekurangan teknologi dan tenaga-tenaga pakar” untuk menguruskannya. Sementara itu, pasar malam, pasar awam, sekolah-sekolah dan institusi-institusi pengajian tinggi dibenarkan pembukaan sepenuhnya. Majlis keramaian di kalangan kementerian, jabatan dan agensi kerajaan juga dibenarkan sepenuhnya. Tak ada yang memberi alasan kononnya terdapat ramai yang berusia lebih daripada 50 tahun di pasar-pasar, golongan remaja dan kanak-kanak yang berumur di bawah 18 tahun dan inilah golongan berisiko tinggi yang perlu dipantau.

Cuma parlimen dan DUN sahaja yang terpaksa akur dan menerima arahan larangan bersidang atas sebab-sebab yang tersebut di atas. Apabila jawatankuasa-jawatankuasa pilihan parlimen (parliamentary select committees) hendak mengadakan sidang atas talian bagi membincangkan perkara-perkara yang berkaitan dengan dasar, semak imbang dan pemantauan kegiatan-kegiatan dan belanjawan kerajaan, itu pun tidak dibenarkan speaker dewan rakyat kerana arahan jabatan perdana menteri kononnya semua fungsi parlimen masih digantung berikutan darurat.

Dan apabila ada pihak-pihak yang “prihatin” terhadap ketelusan tadbir urus kerajaan ingin mengemukakan rayuan rasmi kepada Seri Paduka Baginda Yang Di Pertuan Agong (SPB YDPA), ramai di kalangan pemimpin PAS, BERSATU dan UMNO melemparkan pelbagai tohmahan dan fitnah kononnya kami sedang merancang menderhakai titah perintah SPB YDPA kononnya kami sedang menghasut orang ramai agar melawan institusi feudal dan simbolik negara ini.

Ini sekadar rayuan sahaja, faham tak Bahasa Melayu? Rayuan sahaja! Kenapa pula para pemimpin PAS, BERSATU dan UMNO yang suka sangat nak memperbesarkan perkara ini sampainya ke hujung langit, mengajak agar laporan polis dibuat di seluruh negara, di ratusan balai-balai polis dan IPD-IPD seluruh negara, kononnya ada hasutan sedang diusahakan “agar titah perintah SPB YDPA diderhakai” dengan sepenuhnya? Apakah agenda-agenda PAS, BERSATU dan UMNO di sebalik “pertandingan membuat laporan polis” di seluruh negara ini?

Kami berpendapat ada usaha di sebalik Perikatan Nasional (PN) yang menerajui kerajaan pemberontak sekarang untuk memansuhkan institusi parlimen dan DUN untuk digantikan dengan badan-badan atau majlis-majlis penasihat yang tidak berkuasa. Kami juga berpendapat PN ingin memerintah negara ini melalui sistem satu-parti bagi membolehkan mereka menguasai sepenuhnya kerajaan persekutuan dan kerajaan-kerajaan negeri. Sebab itulah, permohonan-permohonan beberapa pemimpin untuk membentuk parti-parti politik baru telah ditolak mentah-mentah kerana kerajaan pemberontak PN kini sedang merancang untuk menghapuskan sistem demokrasi pelbagai parti secara beransur-ansur dengan menggunakan pelbagai undang-undang yang sedia ada untuk melaksanakan rancangan-rancangan jijik mereka. Ini pendapat kami mengenai kedudukan PN sekarang berdasarkan pelbagai tingkah laku yang mereka tonjolkan selama ini.

Kata kerajaan pemberontak PN bahawa pengisytiharan darurat dan penggantungan parlimen bertujuan mengawal penularan wabak covid-19, wakil-wakil rakyat yang ada pada hari ini adalah terdiri daripada golongan berisiko tinggi berdasarkan umur-umur mereka. Akan tetapi upacara keramaian dibenarkan, sekolah boleh dibuka, universiti boleh dibuka, pasar malam dan pasar awam dibenarkan beroperasi sepenuhnya, perdana menteri kerajaan pemberontak Muhyiddin Yasin pula “melancung” ke Arab Saudi, Emeriah Arab Bersatu (UAE) dan telah juga “melancung” di Sabah. Adakah beliau ini bukannya dari golongan berisiko tinggi? Adalah beliau ini masih berumur dalam lingkungan 30an? Masih muda dan kuat? Yang kami tahu beliau ini orang yang masih berpenyakit jangka panjang, pernah menjalani pelbagai pembedahan dan kini masih lagi berubat, puluhan jenis kononnya, ini cuma pendapat kami kerana kami hairan orang-orang tua yang lain semua berisiko tinggi tetapi yang tua, berusia seperti dia ini pula tidak berisiko. Dua darjat? Ataupun dia sudah disuntik 10 kali dos vaksin, sebab itu beliau kebal dari wabak covid-19 sementara wakil-wakil rakyat yang lain cuma mengambil 2 kali dos vaksin sahaja. Boleh tak beliau menjelaskan keadaan tersebut?

Ini bukan berita palsu! Jangan kerana takut hendak menjawab persoalan dan kritikan tersebut, ditutup pula “kebocoran” ini dengan menggunakan enakmen atau ordinan “berita palsu”, kononnya kami pula cuba menggugat kestabilan negara dan kerajaan pemberontak PN ini, sedangkan PN sendirilah yang telah hilang majoriti, terus menggantung parlimen bagi memberinya masa untuk mengeluarkan “tender terbuka” untuk membeli sokongan daripada wakil-wakil rakyat yang “berisiko tinggi”. Betul tak?

Yang kami fahamkan adalah SPB YDPA telahpun memperkenankan agar sidang parlimen boleh diadakan walaupun sewaktu darurat sedang berkuatkuasa. Pelbagai alasan diberikan oleh PN untuk tidak mematuhi titah tersebut dengan memutarbelitkan perintah tersebut dengan pelbagai peribahasa demi peribahasa, seperti kamilah yang tidak memahami Bahasa Melayu, agar ianya mengelirukan kita. PN turut mendakwa perbuatan ini bukannya mengingkari titah perintah ataupun menderhaka, jadi apa maksudnya? Kami yang merayu itu menderhaka? Apa yang ketua kerajaan pemberontak, kabinet menteri-menterinya, BERSATU, PAS dan UMNO berkata itu semuanya tulen dan benar-benar belaka. Apa yang yang dikatakan parti-parti pembangkang, pertubuhan-pertubuhan hak asasi manusia, para pemerhati, pengkritik dan pengulas dasar berkata ini semuanya berita-berita palsu dan terpaksa menghadapi ancaman tindakan undang-undang melalui enakmen atau ordinan berita palsu.

Sekali lagi, kami berpendapat, adalah amat jelas sekali di sini, apa yang telah dan sedang diusahakan oleh kerajaan pemberontak dan para pemimpin PN sekarang adalah untuk memerintah negara ini melalui sistem satu-parti dengan pemansuhan amalan demokrasi serta penghapusan institusi-institusi parlimen dan DUN pada peringkat awal dan disusuli dengan beberapa langkah yang bakal melihat parti-parti politik lain terbubar satu demi satu di masa-masa terdekat ini.

Ingin kami tegaskan sekali lagi di sini, ini bukan berita palsu, tetapi pendapat kami mengenai tindak tanduk PN sekarang berdasarkan apa yang sedang berlaku sekarang. Alasan kestabilan politik tergugat, penularan covid-19 dan demi manfaat rakyat itu cuma alasan tumpangan yang kebetulan berada di depan mata umum digunakan oleh PN untuk meneruskan pemerintahan tanpa mandat mereka.

Jangan sekadar mendakwa in dan itu berita palsu. Berikan penjelasan yang menyeluruh, telus dan benar yang dapat menyakinkan rakyat jelata. Buktikan keikhlasan kamu kepada rakyat jelata daripada terus, menyorok, merahsia dan menafikan apajua perkara.

Why SD is used and the role of legislatures are ignored?

Until recently all changes of governments in Malaysia, from the states to the federal level, then to the states again were being carried out through the signing of the so-called Statutory Declaration (SD) or in Malay it is known as Akuan/Sumpah Berkanun, by members of parliament and state legislative assemblies (MPs and ADUNs).

It clearly demonstrates that the role of the parliament and the state legislative assemblies (also known as the legislatures) in calling for either a vote of confidence or no-confidence vote within the legislature sittings has been totally ignored.

So, shall we call it a “change of government” or “coup d’etat” (pertukaran kerajaan ataupun rampasan kuasa)? Well, since the process of changing the governments were not carried out inside the legislature sittings, the governments were toppled from outside by way of “declaration of numbers”, while the SDs were only signed and submitted later on, to the royal households, then it should be more accurately known as a “coup d’etat”, because the process of no-confidence vote did not take place in the legislature sittings.

Let us take the case of the Perak state government which was toppled in 2009. The Barisan Nasional (BN) ADUNs did not send a notice to the state legislative speaker to request for a special sitting in order to table a motion of no-confidence against the then Menteri Besar at that time. Instead, these BN ADUNs held their private meeting in the state UMNO office in Ipoh and declared their “numbers” to the press from there. Furthermore, the declaration was made by the UMNO Pekan MP Najib Razak who is not even an ADUN of Perak. The UMNO ADUN who is the state opposition leader did not make the announcement when it was supposed to be his role to do so.

Same goes to what took place in Putrajaya this year on last February. All MPs who did not want to support the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government anymore “convened a special meeting” at the Sheraton Hotel in Petaling Jaya (later known as the Sheraton Move) to declare their numbers and signed their SDs while having their meals and discussions, instead of providing a sufficient notice to the Speaker of Dewan Rakyat in order to table a motion of no-confidence to remove PH from the seat of the government.

The same situation (the Moves) also took place later on in Johor and Perak states respetively where the state governments were removed from outside instead of having a no-confidence vote carried out in the state legislatures. In such Moves, such acts were deemed as MPs or ADUNs staging their rebellion against the mandated administrations from outside the legislature means to topple the respective federal and state governments in order to establish new administrations which we shall call it as the rebel governments, simply because these new administrations in place were not installed via people’s mandates.

Therefore, no matter how much efforts these rebels MPs and ADUNs has done, be it signing up their SDs, getting the all of them to swore in a new ones via the support of the feudals, they are still considered illegitimate rebel governments because they did not achieve any victory in the first place. What all these rebel MPs and ADUNs did were just having their numbers declared at the state UMNO office, Sheraton Hotel, state BN office and whatsoever instead of moving their motions of no-confidence via legislature means.

In this case what we saw today proves that the Statutory Declarations Act 1960 (Akta Akuan Berkanun 1960) has been blatantly misused for achieving ones’ political mileage to obtain powers and to sideline the sacred constitutional roles of Federal and State Constitutions (Perlembagaan Persekutuan dan Negeri-negeri), in such, those MPs and ADUNs had resolved that these constitutions were already obselete and its relevance are gone. Is that so?

If such Moves continue to take place, we would like to put forward this question, where are the relevence of the parliament and state legislative assemblies? Are these institutions still a relevant avenue for MPs and ADUNs to seek their votes to be counted or have their voices to be heard? Then, if the roles of these legislatures as an avenue to detemine the directions of our nation and the states no longer requires, abolish it by amending the constitutions or have the entire system revamped.

To us, the best solution to prevent such Moves again is to revamp the Federal and State Constitutions to have the Prime Minister, Chief Ministers and Menteris Besar directly elected by the people, while Federal and State Cabinets (Ministers and State Excos) to be appointed from amongst pool of reliable technocrats or professionals, then having the Federal and state legislatures tasked in carrying out full check and balance roles, discharging their actions via legislature select committees overseeing government ministries, state-owned-enterprises, statutory bodies and state administrations’ policy implmentations and budgetary activities. MPs and ADUNs who wish to be appointed to the Federal or State Cabinets must first have their legislature seats vacated to allow a by-election to elect a new representative.

Well, in order to see such changes through, we must have politicians with strong political wills to carry them out if they want Malaysia to progress and move forward. Or else, our nation will be moving backwards continuously.

Why do Vulgar MPs keep retaining their seats?

Ever wonder why do all these vulgar, should we add on the word, uneducated members of parliament (MPs) keep on retaining their seats after every general elections? We keep on highlighting through our feedbacks and responses, condemning their vulgar acts in parliament via social medias, in the press, public opinions and verbal conversations emphasizing that these vulgar MPs should not deserve a re-election come next general election. And yet they got re-elected, one term after another, and these MPs indeed continuously “serve” their respective constituencies for a very long time until one day, some of them drop dead, either because of a heart attack or due to prolong illness, diabetes especially.

We are asking you again. Have you all ever wonder why all these vulgar MPs keep on returning to the parliament after all the general elections? They return to the parliament, not in a humble way, but in an arrogant manner, demonstrating their immunity and power of a “warlord”. Therefore, you keep on complaining why do we still have all these vulgar MPs in action whenever there is a parliamentary sitting ongoing.

For decades, these vulgar and perhaps also uneducated MPs managed to retain the seats in their respective constituencies in every general elections just because of one big reason known to all but not realised by the majority. It was gerrymandering of their constituencies that made these MPs survive in almost all general elections, perhaps you do not need any general elections in such areas, in actual fact.

The systematic gerrymandering process of these parliamentary or state constituencies had eventually turned these MPs into a very powerful “local overlord”, “mini kingdoms”, “warlords” or even “demigods” in their resspective areas, where in these cases, the constituents or voters serve their MPs instead of the MPs serving them. In such situation, these MPs get their affirmative votes and support from their constituents or voters in every general election after various kind of goodies are regularly served upon them, their families and cronies, while some are naturally diehard backers. In return, these people will turn a blind eye on any other issues, instead keep on voting and supporting these particular MPs who will then seek re-election when their term come to “an end” (but it never ends).

Systematically, these vulgar MPs are immuned from any defeats. Even election campaigners from the opposition parties are not allowed to enter many of such areas in their constituencies. During general elections, majority of these voting districts are systematically put under a “curfew order” so that no opposition party campaigners can enter into them.

It happens in many rural constituencies, especially in inner villages, jungle-bound inhabitants, isolated townships, small “pekans”, hillside villages, the so-called “rumah panjang” residents and even high rised low-cost flats and housing estates in some particular rural areas. States or districts situated in the east coast of the peninsular and the states in the northwest and north of Borneo are where most of these examples came from. These areas where those vulgar MPs are “stationed” are tightly controlled, be it physicologically, physically, or mentally (propaganda of fear or threat) and the people in these areas are either systematically being longtime diehard supporters, “grateful groups” (well-fed with goodies and other benefitial gains) and those who are normally voting for these MPs because there isn’t another choice anymore (forced to, fear of threat, boycott or backlash).

Again, you may ask, how does this happened? As we had mentioned earlier, it was by way of gerrymandering where these constituencies were systematically re-aligned or re-drawn in order to allow these vulgar MPs to stay where they are for the rest of their lifes until they finally drop dead one day, presumely because of prolong sickness.

That is why in many contituencies today, you may find that there are areas, be it parliamentary or state ones, which consist the least number of voters and the most number of voters in it. Those constituencies with least number of voters are usually broken into many parts in order to focus particular number of supporters to ensure an absolute win for all these vulgar MPs. These small constituencies are indeed easy to manage, the MPs will not have any hard time to travel nor convince voters in these areas into supporting them, because the votes are already in their “fixed deposits”. Their victories are guaranteed.

That is why you can see, when the Barisan Nasional (BN) was in power for over six decades, their winning parliamentary seats keep on increasing while those of the opposition ones were either have their numbers trim, merged into others, re-drawn or whatsoever. Eventually, in most of the constituencies won by opposition parties will have the most number of voters and many emerged as the biggest or largest ever constituencies you had ever seen, in some you may see the size of these particular constituencies are so much similar to that of a state, province or even a small country.

So, what is the solution for this? How do we get rid of these vulgar MPs or “preventing” them from getting re-elected? First, it is also by way of gerrymandering and redelineation of the boundaries of these parliamentary or state constituencies, by having these “winning” areas broken-up, re-drawn, transferred, abolished or merged. In this way, you may one day see all these vulgar MPs get defeated in the next general elections by a combination of mixed voters.

The second option is, we may feel that this is impossible unless any ruling political parties or coalition have the strong political will to make the amends. It is to limit the terms of the serving MPs to that of, perhaps ten to fifteen years (five years per-tenure). This option will definitely need the support of the two-thirds from the members of parliament in order to amend the Federal Constitution, of which we may see such impossible at this moment.

As such, the only way to write-off these vulgar MPs from the legislature is still the first option as mentioned herein given the fact that the re-delineation or “gerrymandering” must be carried out in “good faith”, a just, sincere and equal manner.

In this, we have other no choice but to wait for a day when a Good Leader who is of a Good Party or Coalition running a Good Government to emerge to carry out such reforms and to make amends to our nation’s institutions.

CMCO is still on, yet the cases are increasing daily. Are the CMCO, EMCO or whatever MCO really effective? Political survival?

Until today, the conditional movement control (CMCO) order is still being enforced in most parts of our nation, apart from the enhanced movement control order (EMCO) which is also being enforced in some critical parts of the nation.

Almost daily, the Defence Minister has been making public statements on the total number of people who were caught flauting the CMCOs nationwide. And the Health Director-General too is making his daily announcements on the total number of people infected, deaths, cured and coupled with more advice on how to prevent and deal with this issue nationwide.

And yet the cases of people got infected keep on increasing everyday like nobody’s business. Both the Defence Minister and the Health Director-General seems to be part of a daily competition to determine who will be the winner in the end based on the highest number they could secure on their part.

We are not laughing off the efforts of these two men, but we are questioning the effectiveness of the CMCO and EMCO nationwide which are enforced till today. Do not tell us all that you are going for a total nationwide lockdown after 6th December 2020 because the number of cases has been on the rise and the four digit was rather high to allow anymore people out there with their daily cores.

Should a total nationwide lockdown is enforced after 6th December 2020, the rebel government is definitely opting to kill off the entire nation’s economy and well-being of our people at-large. We are already having enough of this ineffective measures undertaken by the current administration.

The major problem here lies with the adherence of the standard operating procedures or better know as the SOPs today. As for the Defence Minister, we would like to pose him a simple question here. When one of your cabinet colleague, the Minister of Plantations and Commodities flauted the quarantine rules and SOPs in public, you find all ways and means to ensure that PAS leader is immuned from any sorts of action. And you have done it effeciently, some blaming others for not issuing this or that to him, some process was not carried out, this and that and many more lame excuses.

Furthermore, you as a Defence Minister was also seen lately flauting the SOPs when you attended session with your party members and supporters in an unannounced location. The pictures which went viral in the social media were clear enough to prove your guilt in the action undertaken by you and your henchmen out there.

Then, you urge stern or tougher actions against the general public who flauted the SOPs by ensuring heavy fines and longer jail terms to these people, the ordinary folks out there.

But you and your colleagues in your status as Ministers, Deputy Ministers, party leaders and whatsoever VVIPs out there flauted the SOPs in open like there are really two sets of rules applied for the VVIP and the ordinary people. In Malay language, it is called “Dua Darjat” just in case the words are new to you all. And then all of you are immuned from any actions which has been supposedly taken against any ordinary people should they flaut the SOPs out there.

Just because of this, you can see now more and more people are flauting the SOPs and yet they are increasingly high daily. You have not seen a decrease of this as of now. It is because many are becoming fed-up because VVIP and the ordinary people has undergone two different sets of rules and many too are now becoming doubtful if the increase of these cases are real or otherwise.

Some members of the public had even openly denounce the CMCO by claiming that such movement control order was merely for the “survival of the PN government”, without it, they will ultimately collapse anytime.

We are in view that by continuing the CMCO or enforcing a total nationwide lockdown is not the way to resolve the overwhelming increase of those infected because none of these measures seems to be effectively in curbing the virus out there. Instead, you are killing the people’s economy and their well-being, thus leaving millions with unemployment, business closure, bankruptcies and what if because of this crime rate is also expected to increase as well, because the total destruction of the people’s source of income.

We also doubt the claims made by the Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Minister recently citting that the number of new business start-ups has been much higher than the number of business closures. If he were to repeat this, we will definitely call him a liar of the universe unless he could come up with the true facts, figures and its revenues.

Instead of putting everything to halt in order to control the virus, it is best for the administration and the relevant enforcement agencies to relook into how to effectively enforce the SOPs, where were the loopholes of the SOPs, what are the real cause of the increase of infections and so on.

Technically, we also urge the Health Ministry, Foreign Ministry and the Science, Technology and Innovations Ministry to seek help and advice from expertise from Singapore and New Zealand where both of these two countries had successful curbed the virus spread despite having called for general elections at the same time. Do not demostrate your “know all” ego, claiming that you could handle it, telling heads of other nations that Malaysia has everything under control (during the recently concluded APEC virtual summit) and not at all trying to seek the assistance of other nations who are absolutely in advance in curbing the spread of this virus.

Even Taiwan has been offering their assistance to our nation under the island republic’s New Southbound Policy Initiatives on Health, but Malaysia does not seems to respond to their generous offer at all despite some informal repeated calls from Taiwan earlier. Why? Ego? Because of supremacy?

Come on, our nation is at dire straits now and giving the fact of upholding your ego sense, will it help to cure our nation’s well-being and economy? Please, for this time, do not because of your political survival, you are willing to forgo such help, advice or assistance. We are not your political collateral damage. We are all human beings with precious lives to live with.

Perbahasan Belanjawan di Peringkat Jawatankuasa perlu didalami dengan menyeluruh dan dimaklumkan kepada umum pada setiap hari

Rata-rata apabila Perikatan Nasional (PN) yang kini menerajui kerajaan pemberontak berjaya melalui saat-saat genting dengan memperoleh “kelulusan bersuara” daripada sidang Dewan Rakyat, bagi pembentangan Dasar Belanjawan 2021 tersebut, di kalangan ahli-ahli parlimen daripada Pakatan Harapan (PH) dikecam hebat oleh orang ramai kerana gagal mengundi secara beramai-ramai bagi menolak Belanjawan 2021 itu dengan sebulat suara.

Sebaliknya, hanya 13 orang ahli parlimen sahaja yang berdiri sebagai tanda membantah Belanjawan 2021 tersebut tetapi ianya tidak memenuhi korum bagi mengesahkan penerimaan penolakan tersebut secara rasmi. Ini menyebabkan ramai yang tertanya-tanya kenapa blok PH dan PH campuran tidak sehaluan di dalam hala tuju mereka untuk menolak belanjawan tersebut.

Ada banyak sebab-sebab yang tidak dapat kita nyatakan dengan sepenuhnya kerana terdapat beberapa karenah politik di kedua-dua kamar kerajaan dan pembangkang yang saling membuahkan maklumbalas yang tidak menentu pada masa itu.

Tetapi yang pasti kami nampak pada hari itu adalah seolah-olah ahli-ahli parlimen PH diarah tidak menyokong penolakan, sebaliknya bersikap berkecuali pada saat-saat akhir, ada sebab-sebab yang munasabah yang kita perlu restui, yakni sekiranya Belanjawan 2021 tersebut ditolak bulat-bulat, PN akan terang-terang mendakwa PH telah menderhakai titah SPB YDPA, sejurus itu akan menyerang PH habis-habisan mengenai isu-isu yang melibatkan raja-raja ini. Yang kedua, penolakan terus belanjawan tersebut juga akan memperlihatkan PH tidak mengambil berat tentang kebajikan rakyat jelata dan para petugas di barisan hadapan kerana penolakan tersebut akan sekaligus menyekat penyaluran bantuan dan insentif kepada rakyat jelata pada keseluruhan. Ketiga, Umno yang pada mulamya telah mempamerkan niatnya untuk menolak belanjawan tersebut secara tiba-tiba telah memutuskan untuk menyokong belanjawan tersebut, justeru itu menyebabkan PH tidak mendapat sokongan secara menyeluruh bagi mengusahakan penolakan tersebut dengan lebih berkesan. Yang keempat, PH tidak mahu dilihat sebagai pengganggu-gugat politik negara di saat-saat negara sedang dilanda wabak covid-19 dengan menggunakan kesempatan politiknya untuk menumbangkan kerajaan pemberontak tersebut walaupun secara hakikatnya PN telah memperoleh kuasa tersebut melalui satu rampasan kuasa terancang. Strategi PH kali ini dilihat yakni, membiarkan PN untuk meneruskan usaha pengawalan wabak covid-19 dengan sewajarnya kerana PN lah penyebab utama penyakit berjangkit itu menular akibat daripada rampasan kuasa pada bulan Februari 2020 yang lalu.

Oleh itu, kita harus membiarkan episod kelulusan Perbahasan Belanjawan Peringkat Dasar pada minggu lalu berlalu, sebaliknya bertumpu sepenuhnya kepada Perbahasan Belanjawan Peringkat Jawatankuasa yang telahpun bermula pada pagi hari ini.

Untuk makluman, Perbahasan Belanjawan Peringkat Jawatankuasa ini adalah suatu penyemakan terhadap belanjawan tersebut yang lebih mendalam dan teliti di mana setiap peruntukan dan cadangan perbelanjaan akan diperinci secara menyeluruh mengikut kementerian-kementerian bagi membocorkan sebarang cubaan “menyorok” beberapa peruntukan yang tidak disenaraikan dengan menyeluruh atau tidak dinamakan dengan lebih jelas sewaktu perbahasan dasar pada minggu yang lalu.

Untuk itu, ahli-ahli parlimen yang kini sedang membahaskan belanjawan tersebut di peringkat jawatankuasa adalah digesa supaya memperincikan setiap butir-butir kewangan dan projek yang tersembunyi, mendedahkan apajua peruntukan yang tidak sepatutnya ditawarkan, pembaziran dan apa-apa peruntukan yang dapat dilihat bakal mengundang kepada penyalahgunaan kuasa dan kewangan kerajaan untuk kepentingan kelompok-kelompok politik yang tertentu agar ianya dapat dibatalkan dengan kadar segera sebelum peruntukan tersebut dapat diluluskan dan digazetkan untuk perlaksanaan.

Selain daripada itu, adalah juga penting bagi ahli-ahli parlimen yang membahaskan belanjawan tersebut mengumumkan secara berperingkat-peringkat isi-isi kandungan yang diperbahaskan, mendedahkan kesalahan-kesalahan, kelemahan-kelemahan, unsur-unsur penyalahgunaan kuasa dan sebagainya kepada media dari masa ke semasa agar orang ramai dapat mengetahui isi-isi sebenarnya yang terkandung di dalam Belanjawan 2021 tersebut.

Pendek kata, apajua perbahasan dan isu-isu berbangkit perlu diedarkan kepada umum pada setiap hari bagi membuahkan kesedaran orang ramai bertapa perlunya Belanjawan 2021 ini disemak dan diteliti dengan lebih mendalam, di samping menyedarkan orang ramai bertapa pentingnya peranan parlimen dalam menyemak imbang apajua kegiatan, perlaksanaan dan perbelanjaan yang diketengahkan oleh kerajaan.

Dalam pada itu, adalah tidak berakhlak sekiranya ada ura-ura Speaker Dewan Rakyat sekarang akan cuba menyekat atau memendekkan perbahasan bagi sesuatu isu yang perlukan perhatian khusus kerana jika ianya berlaku Speaker Dewan rakyat akan dianggap bersekongkol dengan kerajaan pemberontak bagi mengelakkan sesuatu peruntukan dibahaskan dengan lebih mendalam.

Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri yang mengetuai Bahagian Pengurusan Parlimen di Jabatan Perdana Menteri juga harus memberhentikan campurtangannya yang kerap dengan seringkali memberikan arahan kepada Speaker Dewan Rakyat dalam usaha menyekat pelbagai persoalan dan perbahasan ahli-ahli parlimen, serta melakukan pindaan yang kerap terhadap jadual perbahasaan belanjawan tersebut.

Difahamkan bahawa Speaker Dewan rakyat adalah seorang yang tidak berparti, jadi beliau seharusnya mempamerkan sikap tidak memihak kepada sesiapa sewaktu mempengerusikan sesi perbahasan tersebut.

Oleh itu, ahli-ahli parlimen dan kalangan pemimpin parti kerajaan harus ingat bahawa sebarang usaha penyemakan imbang ataupun penolakan terhadap dasar-dasar, perlaksanaan dan perbelanjaan kerajaan tidak boleh dijadikan modal isu-isu menderhakai raja untuk menyerang mana-mana pihak. Ini adalah peranan parlimen dalam proses demokrasi berparlimen, dan peranan tersebut haruslah digalakkan dengan sewajarnya seperti yang termaktub di dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

PN hendaklah menggunakan usaha mereka sendiri bagi menyakinkan umum bahawa mereka tidak punyai sebarang agenda yang tersembunyi dan jangan menggunakan taktik-taktik kotor serta asyik berselindung di sebalik raja-raja bagi melarikan diri daripada proses-proses yang sah dari sisi Perlembagaan Persekutuan.

Kepada PH di dalam dewan, penuhi kedatangan di setiap sesi perbahasan, gunakan ruang yang secukupnya, buktikan kepada rakyat jelata kemampuan-kemampuan untuk menyemak kerajaan ini secara menyeluruh dan berkesan agar rakyat jelata tidak termakan dengan apajua tipu helah dan dakyah yang sering dimainkan oleh pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan tertentu.